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Asunto:NoticiasdelCeHu 929/04 - FIGHTING REAGAN¹S LEGACY
Fecha:Viernes, 11 de Junio, 2004  11:56:44 (-0300)
Autor:Humboldt <humboldt>

NCeHu 929/04
By Garry Leech
June 8, 2004

On June 5, one of the most popular U.S. presidents of the 20th century died peacefully in California. Yet, Ronald Reagan¹s eight years in the White House were far from peaceful, especially for Central Americans. Since his death, the mainstream media have heaped praise upon this cold warrior, constantly reiterating his "great achievements." Occasionally, they briefly mention the Iran-Contra scandal or the record budget deficits run up by this champion of small government, but for the most part<as during his years in office<Reagan¹s Teflon-coating remains as slick as ever.

While many in the United States remember this "American hero" fondly, millions of Central Americans recall the havoc caused by his military and economic policies. Reagan assumed office in the shadow of the Vietnam War; an era when popular opposition to U.S. jingoism made direct military intervention into Third World civil wars politically impossible. Despite this obstacle, Reagan successfully escalated U.S. military intervention in Latin America to levels not seen since the mid-1960s. Arming and training militaries in El Salvador and Guatemala, and counterrevolutionaries in Nicaragua, he waged proxy wars throughout the region. His administration, and many in the U.S. Congress, turned a blind eye to the Salvadoran Army¹s gross human rights abuses as they funneled more than $4 billion in military and economic aid to that tiny country. The Reagan administration also blocked regional attempts at achieving peace, while significantly contributing to the deaths of some 70,000 Salvadorans and the displacement of another million, many of whom came to, and remain in, the United States.

In the mid-1980s, the Iran-Contra scandal broke. In what was arguably a far greater violation of the U.S. Constitution than anything perpetrated by the Nixon White House, the Reagan administration illegally sold weapons to Iran and used the proceeds to illegally fund counterrevolutionaries in Nicaragua. Reagan¹s Contra war cost 30,000 Nicaraguan lives and devastated the country¹s economy. Additionally, the World Court found the United States guilty of "unlawful use of force," or international terrorism, for its mining of Nicaragua¹s harbors. Never was Reagan¹s Teflon-coating more evident than during the Iran-Contra hearings when the president repeatedly answered the investigating committee¹s questions by simply stating: "I don¹t recall." Reagan¹s blatant obstruction of justice had little effect on his popularity ratings and he left office in January 1989 with the highest approval ratings of any president since FDR.

The Reagan administration¹s military exploits extended beyond Latin America and also left a lasting legacy. It supplied Afghanistan¹s Mujahideen rebels with billions of dollars in aid and high-tech weaponry, including Stinger surface-to-air missiles, which helped the Muslim guerrillas overthrow the Soviet-backed Afghan government. Both the Taliban government and Osama bin Laden¹s Al Qaeda evolved out of the CIA-supported Mujahideen rebel movement. Following 9/11, retired Soviet Army General Makmut Goryeev, a veteran of his country¹s war in Afghanistan, reminded the U.S. public, "Let us not forget that [bin Laden] was created by your special services to fight against our Soviet troops. But he got out of their control."

Reagan¹s presidency laid the foundations for a return to pre-Vietnam era military intervention in Latin America and elsewhere. Less than a year after he left office, his vice president and successor George Bush Sr. invaded Panama to overthrow former-U.S. ally Manuel Noriega, setting the tone for a return to U.S. international bellicosity that led us to the present occupation of Iraq. While Reagan may be gone, his spirit possesses the White House as several of his cohorts<including John Negroponte, Otto Reich and Elliot Abrams<populate the current Bush regime.

Not only Reagan¹s military policies wrought havoc in Central America. His economic policies laid the foundation for the neoliberal onslaught of the 1990s. Reagan used his military intervention in Central America to restructure the elites in those countries, ushering into power what sociologist William Robinson has called the "New Right," a more transnationally-oriented ruling group that replaced the old nationalist-minded oligarchy. This facilitated the implementation of the neoliberal policies that sent millions more Central Americans fleeing towards the United States, this time as economic refugees.

The last NACLA report, "Beyond Revolution: Nicaragua and El Salvador in a New Era," illustrated how the region is still reeling from the Reagan years with regard to violence, economic hardship and population displacement. In fact, NACLA critiqued Reagan¹s Central America policies throughout his time in office. This "champion of freedom" responded in one speech by blaming NACLA for "targeting" and "destabilizing" the Somoza regime in Nicaragua. His administration also unleashed the IRS on this small non-profit institution. Annual audits, however, were not the only form of harassment endured by NACLA; the organization¹s New York offices were mysteriously burglarized in 1986.

On a personal note, I witnessed the brutal consequences of Reagan¹s Central America doctrine when I was traveling through El Salvador in 1982. In March of that year, I was arrested by the Salvadoran Army and imprisoned in the military base in La Unión. For eight days I was accused of being a mercenary, interrogated and beaten by Salvadoran soldiers. But my suffering was miniscule when compared to that endured by my fellow prisoners. I watched in horror as soldiers who had been armed and trained with my tax dollars tortured and raped prisoners.

So while many in the United States are busy glorifying the Reagan years, let us not forget that he left a legacy of terror and death in Central America. Sadly, while Reaganites proudly hail their late leader, many Latin Americans are still struggling, not only to overcome the trauma endured during the 1980s, but also against the legacy of Reagan¹s policies.

<Garry Leech is editor of the online publication Colombia Journal
( and author of the book Killing Peace: Colombia¹s Conflict and the Failure of U.S. Intervention (INOTA 2002).


The next issue of NACLA Report on the Americas (July/August 2004):


Access to water, an element essential to all life, is a basic human right. Yet, one-sixth of humanity lacks access to clean water. Indeed, a water crisis<largely of human manufacture<plagues the globe with such severity that in 1995 the vice-president of the World Bank declared, "If the wars of this century were fought over oil, the wars of the next century will be fought over water." While no country has yet been "liberated" by the military aggression of another due to the value of its fresh water reserves, political battles over this indispensable resource are already raging<arguably, nowhere more so than in Latin America.

Our up-coming issue surveys the water crisis in Latin America, the human impact of the widespread privatization of water management in the region, and the political responses these have provoked. With contributors: Maude Barlow and Tony Clarke, María Rosa García-Acevedo and Helen Ingram, David Barkin, Margaret Keck and Rebecca Abers, and Carlos Vilas. ________________________

SUBSCRIBE TO NACLA Report on the Americas


NACLA Report on the Americas is the foremost English-language political magazine on Latin America and the Caribbean. For any scholar or activist interested in the region, and/or more generally interested in issues relating to international development, human rights, struggles for social justice, and US foreign policy, NACLA is an indispensable resource.
Gentileza: Dr. David Robinson